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सीमा आजाद को लिखा पीपुल्स यूनियन फॉर सिविल लिबर्टीज (पीयूसीएल) के राष्ट्रीय अध्यक्ष का पत्र]

प्रिय सीमा आजाद,

भारतीय शासकों की निर्ममता की एक और शिकार होने के नाते हमारी हार्दिक संवेदनाएं आपके साथ हैं। मैं आपको यह पत्र जिस न्यायालय ने आपको दंडित किया है उसकी भर्त्सना करने या उस पर अपना कोई निर्णय देने के लिए नहीं कर रहा हूं क्योंकि ऐसा करना अपनी शक्ति बेजा करने के अलावा उन ताकतों, वे जो भी हों, के जाल में फंसना है। भारत के धूर्त शासक वर्ग के शस्त्रागार में दो तरह के कानून है। एक हैं देश द्रोहियों को दंडित करने के लिए, जिसमें भ्रष्ट राजनीतिक, बड़ा पूंजीपति और भ्रष्ट नौकरशाह शामिल हैं जबकि यथार्थ में यह उन्हें अभेद्य ढाल मुहैया करवाने के लिए हैं। और दूसरे अन्य लोगों के लिए हैं। जबकि पहलेवाले उन्हें प्रभावशाली तरीके से बचाने के लिए हैं दूसरेवाले जनता को फंसाने के लिए हैं जिनसे छूट पाना लगभग असंभव है। जबकि वे मजे मार रहे हैं सामान्य जनों के ठठ्ठ के ठठ्ठ को उनके निरपराध होने को नजरंदाज कर बिजली की गति से जेलों में बंद किया जा रहा है। देश के उन दुश्मनों के नामों को जिन्होंने खरबों रुपए चोरी कर के विदेशी बैंकों में जमा कर रखें हैं, गुप्त रखने के कानून हैं और ऐसे किसी कानून का पूरी ताकत से विरोध हो रहा है जो कि देश के सत्ताधारी वर्ग को नुकसान पहुंचाता हो। यह परिघटना नई नहीं है, केवल उनके हथियार और लक्ष्य बदल रहे हैं। उन्होंने भारत के गणतंत्र होने के कुछ ही सप्ताह बाद 1950 में पीडीए (प्रिवेंटिव डिटेंशन एक्ट) बनाया, 1971 में मीसा (मेंटेनेंस आफ इंटरनल सेक्युरिटी) बनाया, 1985 में टाडा और 2001 में पोटा बनाया। इसके अलावा 1967 में यूएपीए तथा इनके कई भाई-भतीजे बनाए गए। सन् 1947 से अब तक कई लाख लोग इसके शिकार हुए जिस पर शासकों को कोई अफसोस नहीं हुआ। आपात काल के दौरान 35 हजार लोगों को मीसा में बंद किया गया। 76 हजार लोगों सारे देश में गुजरात समेत, जहां 1980 तक आतंकवाद का कोई नामोनिशान नहीं था, को टाडा में पकड़ा गया। इसी तरह अनगिनत निरपराध लोगों पर बिना किसी न्यायिक मदद या अड़चन के पोटा का कहर बरपा। जयप्रकाश नारायण और हजारों अन्य लोग फासिस्ट थे क्योंकि इंदिरा गांधी यह कह रही थीं। हजारों आतंकवादी हो गए थे क्योंकि शासकों ने उन पर यह तोहमत लगा दी थी टाडा के अंतर्गत, एनडीए के तमिलनाडु के सांसद वायको, इसलिए आतंकवादी हो गए क्योंकि तमिलनाडु की मुख्यमंत्री ऐसा कह रहीं थीं। देश के कानूनविहीन कानून में यह शासक लोग ही हैं जो निर्धारित करते हैं कि हम क्या हैं और हमारे साथ क्या किया जाना चाहिए। आपात काल के दौरान इंदिरा गांधी ने यह फैसला किया कि भारत की जनता को जीने और व्यक्तिगत स्वतंत्रता का अधिकार नहीं मिलना चाहिए, सर्वोच्च न्यायालय ने कहा हां ठीक है। इसलिए आप भी उतनी ही माओवादी हैं जितने कि जेपी फासिस्ट और वायको आतंकवादी थे।

हमारा लक्ष्य नियमों को बदलना है पर हम में इतनी ताकत नहीं है कि हम उन्हें झुकने के लिए मजबूर कर सकें, लेकिन हम में एक धर्मयोद्धा-सी हिम्मत है और हम बिना थके लगातार शासकों के पापों को सामने लाते जाएंगे और लोगों से इस बात के लिए आग्रह करते जाएंगे
कि वे अपनी जिंदगी और स्वतंत्रता के लिए अंत तक लड़ते रहें। यह हमारा लक्ष्य है, हम इसे पाने के लिए सतत और अनथक प्रयास करते रहेंगे।

सस्नेह

प्रभाकर सिन्हा, राष्ट्रीय अध्यक्ष, पीयूसीएल 14.06.12

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Convention on 26th June, on the anniversary of Emergency – Press Release

New Delhi, 15th June 2012:  “The conviction of civil rights activist Seema Azad for terrorism, unlawful activities, sedition and waging war against the state is a glaring travesty of justice.”  This was the view shared by all the speakers at a press conference today. Justice Sachar argued that judgment of the session’scourt is based on little evidence and little application of mind. The only allegation against her is that she was in the possession of literature that the prosecution argued was illegal. But between possessing literature and committing an offence is a wide chasm that cannot be bridged by the flimsy arguments brought forth by the prosecution and accepted by the judge.

 

Senior Advocate Ravi Kiran argued that filing of the criminal case against Seema Azad was premeditated. This is clearly visible from even a cursory reading of the FIR. Even after the arrest of Seema Azad, the prosecution continued with its sinister motives. The literature ostensibly seized from Seema Azad which had been sealed as evidence, was opened by the prosecution without any authorization. In normal circumstances this would make the entire evidence suspect. But the judge continued to rely on this evidence. Furthermore, he argued that Seema Azad was given on police remand after the completion of the statutory period of 90 days. It is in this illegal custody that the police claim to have two cell phones which are also being used as evidence against her. Given the delay and the circumstances of this custody, the possibility of wrongdoing by the prosecution cannot be ruled out.

 

Senior Journalist Anand Swaroop Verma has been spearheading a campaign against the verdict in the Seema Azad case and arguing for her release. He argued that the judgment was prejudiced and is an attempt to silence protest against government policy. He argued that Seema was being targetted since she was a bold voice against the takeover of farmer’s lands and livelihood and exposing the reality of the witch-hunt of Muslim youth promoted by the government and its security establishment in Azamgarh.

 

Writer and poet Neelabh, who met Seema more than 6 times since her incarceration urged all writers and cultural activists to come together and put their weight behind this unjust conviction and ensure that Seema and Vishwavijay are released urgently. He also said that Seema Azad’s case should  become the rallying point for all to come together and begin a discussion on how we can prevent the State from becooming vindictive.

 

A large number of academics, journalists, and representatives of various social organisations have already pledged their support to campaign for the immediate and uncinditional release of Seema Azad and her husband. Justice Sachar pointed out that it is within the powers of the state government to withdraw prosecution. He urged the new government in Uttar Pradesh to nullify the wrongdoings of the predecessor government and withdraw the false charges against activists’ lodges by that government.

 

Mahipal Singh & Kavita Srivastava ( national secretaries)

 
For further details contact: Kavita Srivastava – 09351562965

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सीमा, विश्वविजय की उम्रक़ैद कानून-सम्मत नहीं-प्रशांत राही

इलाहाबाद के अपर जिला एवं सत्र न्यायाधीश (एक्स काडर) सुनील कुमार सिंह ने सीमा आजाद और विश्वविजय को भारत सरकार के खिलाफ युद्ध छेड़ने, सरकार के खिलाफ आपराधिक साज़िश रचने और एक प्रतिबंधित संगठन के सदस्य के रूप में उसके साथ जुड़े होने के आरोप में उम्र क़ैद, दस साल, पांच साल की सज़ा और कुल पचहत्तर हज़ार रूपयों का दंड भरने का आदेश दिया है. सजाएं साथ-साथ चलेंगी, अतः कुल सजा को उम्र क़ैद की ही है.

 

न्यायाधीश सुनील कुमार सिंह ने सीमा और विश्वविजय को जिन आरोपों का दोषी ठहराया है, वे उनके पास से बरामद दिखाये कुछ संदिग्ध दस्तावेजों पर आधारित हैं. संदिग्ध दस्तावेजों में भाकपा (माओवादी) के विचारों, फौरी कार्यों, उद्देश्यों और कुछ अंदरूनी सांगठनिक मसलों का ज़िक्र है. भाकपा (माओवादी) वह संगठन है जिसे सीमा और विश्वविजय की गिरफ्तारी के सिर्फ 7-8 महीने पहले केंद्र सरकार द्वारा प्रतिबंधित कर दिया गया था. यह प्रतिबन्ध यू.ए.पी.ए., अर्थात विधिविरुद्ध क्रियाकलाप (निवारण) अधिनियम, 1967 {यथा 21.09.2004 और 31.12.2008 को संशोधित} के अंतर्गत ‘आतंकवादी संगठन’ शीर्षक वाली सूची में शामिल करने के लिए 22 जून 2009 को जारी अधिसूचना के बाद लागू हुआ था.

 

सवाल यह है कि किसी प्रतिबंधित संगठन के अंदरूनी दस्तावज किसी पत्रकार या सामाजिक कार्यकर्ता के पास पाये जायें, तो क्या इतने ही आधार पर वह उस संगठन से जुड़ा हुआ और उस संगठन से जुड़कर सरकार के विरुद्ध जंग छेड़ने, साजिश रचने या तख्तापलट करने वालों में शामिल माना जा सकता है? सामान्य बुद्धि से भी सोचा जाये, तो जवाब ‘नहीं’ ही होगा.

 

इसीलिए सीमा और विश्वविजय को ज़बरदस्त माओवादी के रूप में स्थापित करने लिए उत्तर प्रदेश की विशेष पुलिस ने कुमारी मायावती के कार्यकाल में इन्हें 06 फ़रवरी 2010 की सुबह इलाहबाद रेलवे स्टेशन से उठाने के बाद प्रदेश के दूसरे हिस्सों में की गयी कुछ और गिरफ्तारियों का प्रयोग किया. यह भी हो सकता है कि ये दूसरी गिरफ्तारियां सीमा और विश्वविजय की गिरफ्तारी से कायम किये जानेवाले मुक़दमे को तदबीर देने के लिए ही की गयी हों.

इन गिरफ्तार व्यक्तियों में आपसी सम्बन्ध दिखाने के लिए पुलिस ने ऐसे दस्तावेज़ बरामद करवाये और बयान दर्ज करवाये जिससे ये सब एक-दूसरे से जुड़े हुए मालूम हों. गोरखपुर में गिरफ्तार बिहार निवासी  श्रीमती हीरामणि मुंडा के नाम पर यह बयान दर्ज करवाया कि सीमा और विश्वविजय भाकपा (माओवादी) के लिए काम करते हैं. सीमा और विश्वविजय के खिलाफ वाद और प्राथमिकी (एफ.आई.आर.) में यही बयान मूल बात है. हीरामणि मुंडा का यह कथित बयान न तो अभी विधिसंगंत रूप से किसी साक्ष्य के रूप में सिद्ध हुआ है और न ही कहीं से भी यह सिद्ध हुआ कि वह माओवादी पार्टी से जुडी हैं. सुनील कुमार सिंह द्वारा ऐसा मान लेना हीरामणि मुंडा बनाम सरकार के मुक़दमे के औचित्य का ही नकार है. किसी न्यायाधीश और पुलिस के विवेक में कोई फर्क ही न रह जाये, तो ऐसे देश को भगवान ही बचाये.

 

श्रीमती हीरामणि के तथाकथित बयान को प्रासंगिक बनाने के लिए पुलिस ने एक और चाल चली. सीमा और विश्वविजय की गिरफ्तारी, जो कि 6 फ़रवरी 2010 की सुबह हुई थी, रात साढ़े नौ बजे के आसपास दर्ज करायी गयी. सीमा और विश्वविजय की गिरफ्तारी का समय और स्थान सिद्ध करने के लिए पुलिस ने न्यायालय में अपने कर्मचारियों के बयानों के अलावा ऐसा एक भी प्रमाण पेश नहीं किया जो संदेह से परे हो. फिर भी सुनील कुमार सिंह ने सीमा और विश्वविजय की गिरफ्तारी के बदले हुए समय को सच मान लिया.

 

सीमा के भाई सीमान्त अदालत में सिद्ध कर चुके थे कि उन्होंने रेलवे का ई-टिकट खरीदा था जिससे सीमा 6 फ़रवरी को, यानी अपनी गिरफ्तारी के दिन रीवा एक्सप्रेस से दिल्ली से इलाहाबाद पहुँची होगी. लेकिन न्यायाधीश महोदय ने इस आधार पर यह मानने से इनकार कर दिया कि सीमा को रीवा एक्सप्रेस से उतरने के बाद और उसे मोपेड से घर ले जाने आये विश्वविजय को तुरंत वहीँ हिरासत में ले लिया गया था. सीमा के मोबाइल से टावर की जो डिटेल्स मिली हैं, वे रीवा एक्सप्रेस के रूट और समय से मेल खाती हैं इस बात पर उन्होंने गौर ही नहीं किया. उलटे अपने पूर्वाग्रहों को उजागर करते हुए अपने आदेश में यह हास्यास्पद बात लिख दी वे जगहें (दिल्ली से इलाहाबाद जाते वक्त रास्ते में पड़ने वाली जगहें) ‘संदिग्ध’ हैं.

 

मुक़दमे का एक और ज़रूरी पहलू है सीमा और विश्वविजय की गिरफ्तारी के दो दिन बाद कानपुर के दो अलग-अलग रिहाइशी मकानों से कुल 8 आदमियों की गिरफ्तारी के विषय में पुलिस का दावा. ये आठों व्यक्ति आज तक विचाराधीन हैं. इन पर आरोप चाहे कुछ भी लगे हों, सीमा और विश्वविजय के फैसले के समय कानून की निगाह में इन्हें हर सूरत में बेक़सूर ही मानना होगा. ऐसा न माना जाना विधि के बुनियादी उसूलों की सरेआम अवहेलना है. यह हो सकता है, जैसा कि अक्सर होता भी है, कि कानपुर की गिरफ्तारियां और वहाँ की बरामदगी की पुलिसिया कहानी झूठी सिद्ध हो. क्या इलाहाबाद स्थित सीमा और विश्वविजय के विचारण न्यायालय को इस संभावना पर पल भर के लिए सोचना नहीं चाहिए था?

 

इस सम्भावना पर गौर किये बिना सुनील कुमार सिंह ने पुलिस की सुनियोजित साज़िश के इस परिणाम को बड़ी मासूमियत के साथ मान लिया कि कानपुर में गिरफ्तार आठ लोगों से कथित रूप से बरामद दस्तावेजों तथा सीमा और विश्वविजय से कथित रूप से बरामद दस्तावेजों में समानता है. दस्तावेजों में ऐसा कोई भी उल्लेख नहीं है कि सीमा या विश्वविजय का इन दस्तावेजों से या इनमें लिखी किसी बात से कोई सम्बन्ध है.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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Seema Azad’s case- Crushing voices of dissent-by pratirodh bureau

“The conviction of civil rights activist Seema Azad for terrorism, unlawful activities, sedition and waging war against the state is a glaring travesty of justice.”  This was the view shared by all the speakers at a press conference held in Delhi on Friday.

 

Justice Sachar argued that judgment of the session’s court is based on little evidence and little application of mind. The only allegation against her is that she was in the possession of literature that the prosecution argued was illegal.

 

But between possessing literature and committing an offence is a wide chasm that cannot be bridged by the flimsy arguments brought forth by the prosecution and accepted by the judge.

 

Senior Advocate Ravi Kiran argued that filing of the criminal case against Seema Azad was premeditated. This is clearly visible from even a cursory reading of the FIR. Even after the arrest of Seema Azad, the prosecution continued with its sinister motives.

 

The literature ostensibly seized from Seema Azad which had been sealed as evidence, was opened by the prosecution without any authorization.

 

In normal circumstances this would make the entire evidence suspect. But the judge continued to rely on this evidence. Furthermore, he argued that Seema Azad was given on police remand after the completion of the statutory period of 90 days. It is in this illegal custody that the police claim to have two cell phones which are also being used as evidence against her. Given the delay and the circumstances of this custody, the possibility of wrongdoing by the prosecution cannot be ruled out.

 

Senior Journalist Anand Swaroop Verma has been spearheading a campaign against the verdict in the Seema Azad case and arguing for her release. He argued that the judgment was prejudiced and is an attempt to silence protest against government policy. He argued that Seema was being targetted since she was a bold voice against the takeover of farmer’s lands and livelihood and exposing the reality of the witch-hunt of Muslim youth promoted by the government and its security establishment in Azamgarh.

 

A large number of academics, journalists, and representatives of various social organisations have already pledged their support to campaign for the immediate and uncinditional release of Seema Azad and her husband.

 

Condemning the couples’ conviction CFAR in a statement said that Seema Azad and Vishwavijay have consistently raised their voice against human rights violations in Eastern UP through their journalistic writings and political activism.

 

“The arrest and recent judgement is basically prejudiced and an attempt to create a precedence that whosever will raise voice against wrongdoings of establishment and stand with the oppressed will be dealt with in the same fashion,” CFAR further stated in the statement.

 

Posted in General.


A Stick Called 124(A)–by Panini Anand, Debarshi Dasgupta

Wrong Arm Of The Law
Why ‘sedition’ rings hollow in India 2012

The law Section 124(A) of the Indian Penal Code, 1870; non-bailable offence

The definition Whoever by words, either spoken or written, or by signs, or by visible representation, or otherwise, brings or attempts to bring into hatred or contempt, or excites or attempts to excite disaffection towards the government established by law in India

The accusers Other than the State, even individuals are free to file charges

The punishment Imprisonment for life, to which fine may be added, or with imprisonment which may extend to three years, to which fine may be added, or with fine.

The misuse While the Supreme Court has specifically laid down that the provisions of section 124(A) are only made out where there is a tendency to public disorder by use of violence or incitement to violence, the clause has been grossly misused. While convictions are rare, the long and tortuous legal process is seen as a deterrent to others.

The victims The law is being used to punish fierce critics of the government, including political
dissenters, human rights activists and journalists

Global status

  • UK abolished sedition laws in 2010
  • New Zealand repealed it in 2008

***

Prakash Ram, a farmer from a village near Haldwani in Uttarakhand, had never heard of Mao Tse Tung. Ironically enough, his first lesson on Chairman Mao and his ideology came not from some gun-toting guerrilla but the Uttarakhand police. Accusing him of being a Maoist, they arrested him oncharges of sedition on August 30, 2004. It has taken eight years for the 28-year-old to be finally cleared of the taint, by the Rudrapur sessions court this month. “I spent two of the best years of my life behind bars (he was granted bail in 2006) and six more years in my legal battle for justice,” he says. “I may be free now but this arrest has spoilt my reputation and will make it difficult for me to get work. Who will pay for this? Will someone be held responsible?”

The dark days of Emergency, rung in 37 years ago this week, may have become a distant memory for some, but for many others, an Emergency-like situation is a recurring reality. Just as in 1975 and the year after, when the State suppressed dissent and abolished civil rights, the democratic republic of India continues to target disaffected voices and accuse of sedition anyone it sees as a threat.

Lost years Prakash Ram, a farmer from Haldwani, accused of being a Maoist. (Photograph by Tribhuvan Tiwari)

Rajinder Sachar, a retired chief justice of the Delhi High Court, thinks the situation today is actually worse. “In 1975,” he says, “the Emergency was more of a political game played by one political party but now everyone is restricted from speaking. One law after the other is passed, stopping one from speaking openly. A situation is being created where anybody can be declared anti-national. We are actually going through an undeclared Emergency.”

One of the latest victims of Section 124(A), a law that deals with sedition and which is a handy tool for the government to target trenchant critics, is Seema Azad and her husband Vishwa Vijay. A journalist couple from Allahabad, they had written fearlessly about corruption and illegal mining in Uttar Pradesh. Charged with sedition, the two were sentenced to life imprisonment and a fine of Rs 70,000 by a sessions court in Allahabad on June 8.

Seema and Vijay were arrested in February 2010 at the Allahabad railway station on their return from New Delhi. They were accused of being members of the banned CPI (Maoist) group simply because the police deemed the literature recovered from them to be “anti-national”. Their advocate Ravi Kiran Jain argues that this verdict ignores the observations the two-judge bench of the Supreme Court made in 2011 while hearing the bail plea of Dr Binayak Sen, who too was charged with sedition. “If someone has the autobiography of Gandhi at his home, will he be called a Gandhian,” the apex court had famously asked the prosecution lawyer. “Even in this case,” says Jain, “Seema and her husband were simply in possession of some literature on Maoism. This does not make them Maoists.” The advocate now plans to file an appeal on behalf of the duo in the Allahabad High Court.

Mission aborted Salem’s Piyush Sethia

Other than Dr Sen and the Allahabad couple, there were at least six other high-profile cases involving sedition in 2010. They include Arundhati Roy, who was booked under Section 124(A) for making a speech supporting azadi in Kashmir, and Salem-based environmental activist Piyush Sethia, who was accused of sedition for disrupting a Republic Day ceremony in Salem in 2010 by attempting to distribute a controversial anti-mining leaflet. In fact, things took on a farcical turn when Srinagar-based lecturer Noor Mohammed Bhatt was slapped with the sedition charge in December the same year for including a question in an English paper asking if stone-pelters were the real heroes and asking students to translate from Urdu to English a passage that read, “Kashmiri blood is being spilled like water, Kashmiri children are being killed by police and Kashmiri women are being showered with bullets.”

There is no official record of the total number of cases involving sedition, but the sudden spurt in such cases has generated much concern. Civil rights groups have launched a nationwide campaign to have the law repealed. Says veteran journalist Kuldip Nayar, who was in jail during the Emergency, “The sedition law is a weapon in the hand of the State which evokes doubts, suspicion and hatred in the mind of the people against whom the charges are made. Such an undemocratic and anti-people law must be repealed immediately. In fact, it should have been done many years back.” Most of these cases (see Memories of Another Day) have targeted people who have fearlessly spoken up for the rights of the marginalised, especially the Dalits and tribals.

It was for this reason that Sudhir Dhawale, a Dalit rights activist from Mumbai, was picked up by the Maharashtra police from Wardha in January last year for being a “Naxal supporter”. Still lodged in a Nagpur jail, many speculate the real reason he was picked up was his writings and activities that helped mobilise Dalits for their rights. Like him, Gananath Patra, the 73-year-old convenor of Chasi Muliya Adivasi Sangh in Narayanpatna in Orissa, too was charged with sedition and put behind bars in January 2010. He was released on bail earlier this month due to poor health but on the condition that he must not engage in any activism. He had earlier helped tribals in and around Narayanpatna take back around 10,000 acres of land that had been forcefully acquired from them.

Of course, it is activism in areas under the grip of left-wing extremism that the government is extremely sensitive about. Sethia, the Salem-based activist, found himself in the crosshairs precisely for this. Carrying pamphlets criticising Operation Green Hunt, he was set to spread his message cycling all the way to Sivaganga, the constituency Union home minister P. Chidambaram represents. However, the Tamil Nadu police arrested him in Salem itself, even before he could distribute the pamphlets at the R-Day ceremony there. Out on bail since February 2010, the sedition charges still hold. The real cause for his arrest though, Sethia believes, is his fight against illegal mining in the region. He was the main litigant in a case in the Madras High Court that resulted in the closure of a local mining unit that belonged to Vedanta. Funnily enough, there has not been a single hearing in Sethia’s case so far. “Either they should drop the charges, or they should go ahead with the case and finish it off. It is a sort of leash on my activities,” says Sethia, whose questioning gaze encompasses areas like the Forests Rights Act and water pollution and privatisation.

The nuclear flashpoint Koodankulam agitators are viewed with suspicion

Nuclear energy is another area that the government, including at the state level, has begun to get touchy about. The slightest whiff of opposition is promptly dismissed as anti-national. Little wonder then that as many as 3,500 protesters were charged with sedition in the aftermath of the Koodankulam protests in Tamil Nadu, where locals were agitating against the construction of a nuclear power plant. Says V. Suresh, an advocate at the Madras High Court and someone who has spent time with the locals, “While laws are meant to protect the people, in this case, the sedition law has been clearly misused by the government to further its interests.”

Anand Swaroop Verma, Delhi-based editor of monthly journal Samkaleen Teesri Duniya, expresses concern at a different level. This crackdown by the State, he says, has been met with only rare instances of media criticism and scrutiny. He attributes this to a media cooption strategy which ensures reporting of sedition cases is largely favourable towards the government. “Six years back, the PM, in a conference on internal security with CMs, had urged them to coopt the media and get them to play a more positive role in the fight against terrorism,” he adds. The media, of course, often colludes wilfully.

Even when filed on flimsy grounds, the legal hassles and harassment the sedition charge involves serve as a deterrent to others, forced as they are to think twice before taking on the might of the State. Ask E. Rati Rao, vice president of the People’s Union for Civil Liberties in Karnataka. While she was booked under sedition for asking uncomfortable questions on encounter deaths in the Malanadu area in October 2007, the case against her was dismissed in September 2010 after the police failed to file a chargesheet. “All they wanted to do was just terrorise me, and by doing so, terrorise others,” she says. “This sedition law and democracy do not go together. It is leading the State towards fascism.”

For a Congress-led government that draws its inspiration and legacy from Jawaharlal Nehru, it would do well to act on what the country’s first prime minister had to say on the sedition clause in a parliamentary debate in 1951 on the First Amendment to the Constitution. “Now so far I am concerned that particular section (124-A) is highly objectionable and obnoxious and it should have no place both for practical and historical reasons…the sooner we get rid of it the better.”

***

Memories Of Another Day

How a repressive 19th-century law is being indiscriminately unleashed on citizens fighting for the rights of their fellow citizens

  • Jogendra Chandra Bose The first case, in 1891, when the editor of Bangobasi was charged for criticising the British govt’s move to raise the age on consensual sex from 10 to 12, and for commenting on the negative economic impact of British colonialism
  • Mahatma Gandhi Charged, along with Shankerlal Banker, the proprietor of Young India, for three articles in the weekly. Convicted in 1922.
  • Balgangadhar Tilak The British govt alleges his speeches instigated the murder of two British officers. Convicted in 1897, 1905, 1916.
  • Manoj Shinde Editor, Surat Saamna, charged in Aug ’06 for using “abusive words” against Narendra Modi in an editorial alleging administrative failure in tackling the Surat flood situation
  • Kahturam Sunani Journalist, OTV, Charged in May 2007 in Sinapali, Orissa, for filing a report that Pahariya tribals were consuming ‘soft’ dolomite stones in Nuapada district due to acute hunger.
  • Binayak Sen Doctor & Human Rights Activist. Charged in May 2007 in Raipur for allegedly helping courier messages to Maoist leaders. Sen had criticised the Chhattisgarh govt’s support to the vigilante group Salwa Judum.
  • E. Rati Rao Resident Editor, Varthapatra, charged in Oct 2007 2010 in Mysore, Karnataka, for an article alleging encounter deaths in Karnataka.
  • Prashant Rahi, Journalist, charged in Dec 2007 for allegedly possessing Naxal literature
  • Bharat Desai Resident Editor, Times of India, Ahmedabad Gautam Mehta Photographer, Gujarat Samachar Charged in Jun 2008 for articles and photographs alleging links between the Ahmedabad Police Commissioner and the underworld
  • Kirori Singh Bainsla Gujjar community leader Charged in Jun 2008 in Bayana, Rajasthan, for leading an agitation demanding ST status for Gujjars
  • Lenin Kumar Editor, Nishan, Charged in Dec 2008 in Bhubaneshwar for publishing a booklet on the Kandhamal riots entitled ‘Dharmanare Kandhamalre Raktonadhi’ (Kandhamal’s rivers of blood)
  • Laxman Choudhury Journalist, Sambadh, Charged in Sep 2009 in Gajapati district, Orissa, for allegedly possessing Maoist literature. Choudhury had been writing about the involvement of local police in illegal drug trafficking.
  • V. Gopalaswamy (Vaiko) Politician, MDMK, Charged in Dec 2009 in Chennai for allegedly
    making remarks against India’s sovereignty at a book launch function
  • Piyush Sethia Environmentalist and Organic Farmer, charged in Jan 2010 in Salem, Tamil Nadu, for trying to distribute pamphlets during protest against Chhattisgarh govt’s support to Salwa Judum
  • Niranjan Mahapatra, Avinash Kulkarni, Bharat Pawar, others Trade union leaders and social activists Gujarat police allege links with CPI (Maoist).
  • Arundhati Roy, S.A.R. Geelani, Varavara Rao, Shuddhabrata Sengupta, others Private complaint in Nov 2010 in Delhi alleging their speeches on Kashmir in a seminar are anti-India
  • Noor Mohammed Bhatt Lecturer, Gandhi Memorial College, Srinagar, in Dec 2010 for
    setting a question paper for English literature students on whether ‘stone pelters were the real heroes’.
  • Sudhir Dhawale Dalit rights activist and freelance journalist, Wardha. Maharashtra police allege links with CPI (Maoist) in 2011

 

Posted in General.


Seema Azad Case: A critique of the Allahabad Court Judgement by pucl and pudr

Travesty of Justice in the

The Seema Azad and the Vishwa Vijay case

A critique of the Allahabad Court Judgement

 A critique of the Allahabad Court Judgement

To ask for papers proving guilt in black and white,

Is useless for there need be no such papers

The guilty have proof of their innocence

The innocent often have no proof.

– Bertolt Brecht

Introduction

 

On the 8th of June 2012 Additional District Judge, Sunil Kumar Singh, Presiding officer of the District and Session Court, Allahabad, pronounced life imprisonment to 36 year old Seema Azad, writer and editor of Dastak (a monthly magazine) and the Organising Secretary of the People’s Union for Civil Liberties, Uttar Pradesh branch, under waging war against the Government of India and for offences related to being a member and supporter of a terrorist organisation. Her husband Vishwa Vijay too was similarly sentenced. The Judgement came exactly after the two had spent twenty seven months (two years and three months) in Naini Jail.

This Judgement has once again exposed how the Indian Security Establishment, the Police and the Intelligence are working in tandem with a section of the Judiciary and that any arrest made in the name of Maoism and Terrorism can be justified by invoking the draconian laws like the UAPA and the colonial era security provisions of the Indian Penal Code. Through this judgement there is also an attempt to send a warning to all activists of their fate if they are going to be questioning Government policy or hold alternative views.

Thus it becomes very important to examine the case, critique the judgement and build a campaign against this injustice demanding the release of Seema Azad and Vishwa Vijay. It is also important that we do so at this juncture when disappearances, false cases and illegal detentions have become rampant in the name of fighting Maoism and Terrorism. An undeclared emergency persists with life and liberty of the people of India being the biggest casualty. There is an effort to silence Human Rights activists and all voices of dissent. We need to fight it back NOW!!

About Seema Azad

Seema now almost 37 years was born on 5th August 1975, soon after the emergency was imposed. She initially studied in Gorakhpur and later in Allahabad after her family moved following her father’s transfer to the city. She completed her B.A. and a master’s degree in psychology from Allahabad University. Till 1995, her interests were mainly confined to scientific quests in understanding the mysteries of the universe. But very soon she connected these inquiries with societal movements through books such as J.D. Bernal’s book, Science in History. She also tried to understand the obstacles slowing down the speed of the society she lived in through other books such as Julius Fuchik’s Notes from the Gallows. In 1995-96, she became active in student and gender politics. Seema remained active on the women’s liberation front till 2001. The bonds forged with the revolutionary students movement continued till 2004.

Seema made her own choice in marriage and married Vishwa Vijay and left home. She got rid of the caste identity reflected in her name and replaced her surname, Srivastava, with ‘Azad’. A new Seema was born: Seema Azad. She put together some money and bought a motorbike. She went amongst people to write about their lives, their struggles, their dreams. Her constant effort was to ensure publication of ordinary people’s struggles in newspapers. Till 2006 she wrote regularly for Sahara. Many other newspapers in Allahabad also prominently featured her reports. Seema also became a part of movements associated with human rights and those that were taking place against the exploitation and oppression of peasants and workers.

After 2006 she decided bring out a magazine which she decided would privilege people’s movements and sociopolitical thoughts. The magazine, Dastak, became a part of the movement. Through the magazine, she did a thorough investigation of the Ganga Expressway plan which threatened to displace thousands of farmers. In order that the threats posed by the Expressway plan be known to more and more people, she published the findings of her survey in the form of a booklet and distributed copies. Dastak also published a long report on the arbitrary arrests and excesses by the STF upon Muslim youth in Azamgarh. Seema Azad became more and more active in the human rights movement. One issue of 2009 also focussed on whether Obama was really talking of the change that poor people living in the third world countries wanted to see.

Seema’s inspiration in life was also her father, Mr. MP Srivastava who retired as Assistant Labour Commissioner from the Government of UP. He was well known for making efforts at ensuring justice for workers. After his retirement he also published several books on Labour Laws and its Praxis the State and the Country.

She also joined the PUCL branch in Uttar Pradesh in 2009 where she was entrusted with the responsibility of the Organising Secretary.

At the time of Seema’s arrest, there was a generation of youth in Uttar Pradesh vocal in raising human rights issues, the profiling of Muslims, Corrupt politics, a plundering economy, growing social insecurity, violence-inciting politics, the manipulations resorted to for winning the votes of Dalits and Minorities and then oppressing the same people: all these were creating anger and discontent amongst people. Such a reaction was seen as a threat by both the centre and the state. One name expressing this protest was that of Seema Azad’s.

The Arrest of Seema and Vishwa Vijay

Like every year this time too Seema was at the International Book Fair in Delhi. She left Delhi on the 5th February evening and took Rewa Express back to Delhi. It was after their train had crossed Kanpur in the morning of the 6th, that she felt that something was amiss when strange tall men all with a police look, got into her coach. Very soon she knew that they were from Andhra Pradesh as she realised they were speaking Telegu. When she got off at Allahabad she was surrounded by more men, but she continued to move towards the Civil Lines exit, where her husband Vishwa Vijay was waiting for her. When Vishwa Vijay was getting his moped off the parking, they were arrested. The time was 11.30 am.

However the FIR number 33/ 2010 (Criminal Case number 37/ 2010) dated 6th February, 2012 was lodged at the Khuldabad police station, Allahabad, shows the timing of arrest as 9.30pm from the other exit of the Railway Station which is the Khushrubag. The section under which they were booked were sections 18, 20, 21, 23 (2) of the Unlawful Activities Prevention Act, 1967, amended 2004 and 2008 and IPC sections 120 (b), 121, 121(A) of the IPC.

The family of the Seema only learnt about it the next day through the new channels, following which they rushed to the police station and had to find their way through a maze of cameramen and photographers to even get a glimpse of her.

The local magistrate didnot grant the police the remand of Seema and Vishwa Vijay and on the 7th of February and they were sent to Naini Jail in Allahabad soon after.

The Police Story against Seema Azad and Vishwa Vijay

Interestingly the charge sheet made out by the police does not go beyond the FIR. The only movement in the story of the FIR come from what the police tries to show from what they obtained in the house search, a procedure that was carried out through an illegal remand 5 months after her arrest. Thus we have combined both and are presenting a summary of it.

The story on the basis of which charges were made out by the prosecution against Seema Azad and her husband is as follows:

  1. Information that Seema Azad and her husband Vishwa Vijay were CPI (Maoist) activists was made available to them by a CPI Maoist party by a person arrested in Gorakhpur on 06.02.2010, some hours before the couple were arrested. Which is how they came under surveillance and were tracked them down.
  2. That Seema Azad and her husband were at the railway station at 9.30 pm on the 6th of February in order to board a train to Kanpur for a CPI( Maoist) meeting of Bihar, Jharkhand and UP representatives, where some important leaders who were wanted were also reaching.
  3. .Their sling bags (jholas) contained some literature ostensibly published by the CPI Maoist party. ( Interestingly the FIR claims that the policemen as per the rules carried out a search of each other and only after being satisfied that nobody had anything that could be planted that they searched the two. There was a woman constable who searched Seema)
  4. Interestingly according to the FIR they both stated to the police (supposedly while standing at the railway station) that they were activists of the CPI Maoist party and that they wanted to establish Maoist rule by overthrowing the state and that it could only be achieved through an armed resistance.
  5. Since they were unable to show the papers of the moped their two wheeler had to be seized and that they were also charged under the Motor Vehicles Act.
  6. Prior to their arrest in Gorakhpur and subsequent to their arrest, the people who were arrested in Kanpur and in Delhi who were all CPI (Maoists) or sympathisers of the CPI (Maoist) party were found with published literature, of which some was the same as that found in the possession of Seema Azad.
  7. That the disclosure statements made to the police of the other arrested persons referred above states that Seema Azad and her husband were activists of the Maoist party. (please note that no confessional statements were made out in front of the magistrates of anybody. The entire case moves on statements made to the police).
  8. That recoveries were made from her house included copies of the magazine Dastak, a report on the Ganga Expressway project, and ‘secret’ document of the CPI Maoist party and a cell phone. That Seema Azad and Vishwa Vijay was taken on police remand over five months after her arrest.
  9. That the call details obtained concerning the cell phone of Seema Azad show that she travelled widely to “secret” places.
  10. That the ‘secret’ document owned up to killing of security personnel by the CPI Maoist Party and waging a war against the Government of India.

On these details hangs the story that claims that Seema Azad and her husband are activists of the CPI Maoist party and that they are also conspirators and participants in the waging of war against the government. Hence Seema and her husband were charged under S. 120B, 121, 121A of the IPC and S. 13, 18, 20, 21, 23(2), 38, 39, 40 of the UAPA.

Seema’s Version

Seema’s story is a far cry from the police version. She deboarded the Rewa express at the Allahabad railway station at 11:30 a.m. on 06.02.2010 and her husband had come on their two wheeler moped to receive her at the railway station. Outside the station, they were approached by the police, her belongings, money, Dastak magazine, cell phone, camera were forcibly taken away and taken to Khuldabad P.S. at Allahabad. Her backpack laden with books purchased from the Book Fair at Delhi was also taken away. There the police prepared a false seizure list that included documents and literature that was not in her possession along with clothes and money that were with her. The books that she had bought from the Delhi Book Fair were never returned to her or made part of the seizure memo.

As stated earlier the Judicial Magistrate Court and later the Sessions Judge refused police remand for Seema Azad and her husband. The prosecution applied to the Allahabad High Court which directed it to apply afresh at the lower court. This order was stayed by the court upon the application by Seema Azad and the stay was vacated by the High Court after dismissing her petition on 7 July, 2012. This was done exparte, so the lawyers of Seema filed a recall application in the High Court, while the hearing on this was still awaited the prosecution on the 19 July, 2012 moved the lower court and obtained an order that she be sent on police remand for 2 days from 20 July till 22 July, 2012.

According to Seema, her lawyers and her family members, the police took Seema Azad and her husband from the Jail in the evening of the 20th of July, 2012, just before sundown. She was brought to her house near Durga Puja Park at 8 pm. Without the presence of any public witnesses, her lawyers or her family members the police brought them for a house search. When they started breaking the lock of the house, Seema urged that her parents be contacted. But they paid no heed and the lock was broken. It was only after the house was opened and Seema refused to cooperate if her father would not be called, they called him. Mr Srivastava came rushing with a neighbour. The police then went around the house and collected only three items, copies of Dastak magazine, a booklet on the Ganga expressway project and her articles published in Sahara Samay, on the basis of the disclosures made by Seema and Vijay. .

Seema’s father was then asked by the police to purchase a lock so that the house could be locked as they wanted to hand over their possession to the father. When he returned with the lock, he was asked to sign on a sheet of paper on which was mentioned that he was being handed the key to the house. He signed it. Seema’s father went home and Seema and Vishwa Vijay were taken to the police station as they were to undergo a medical test the next day, before sending her back to the Jail.

In the police station the police that had taken her for the search asked Seema to sign on the same paper which she refused to do since the paper at the top was mentioned annexed papers. She insisted that she be shown all the papers only then she would sign it. She was never shown the continuation sheets so the search papers were never signed by Seema and Vishwa Vijay. It is clear that the so called recoveries could never be used legally.

In the Trial Court

In the Trial court, the STF police presented 16 witnesses, of which 14 were policemen and only two non-police witnesses. Who were officials of the Government. One was an engineer of the BSNL and another a bureaucrat of the UP Government. None of the witnesses had evidence to offer against Seema or her husband except re-stating the police story provided in the FIR. Neither did they have any eye-witness account to allege involvement in any specific crime. Nor any confessional statement.

The police witnesses merely stated that they had been informed through disclosure statements made by others arrested in different places, both before and after the arrest of Seema Azad, that Seema Azad and her husband were Maoist activists. Disclosure statements are statements to the police extracted in police custody. Such statements have no sanctity as evidence in a court of law. Moreso, when the prosecution did not consider it fit to get the persons making such “disclosures” to present their evidence during the trial. Thus there was no valid claim presented in court that could pass the test of a trial in court.

What the court inferred

The District and Sessions Court at Allahabad pronounced its judgment on 8.6.2012 convicting Seema Azad and her husband under the Unlwful Activities (Prevention) Act, 1967 amended 2004, 2008 (UAPA) for involvement in unlawful activities (Sec. 13), for conspiracy to commit a terrorist act (Sec. 18), for being a member of a terrorist gang or organisation (Sec. 20), offence relating to membership of a terrorist organisation (Sec. 38), for giving support to a terrorist organisation (Sec. 39), and under the IPC for criminal conspiracy (S.120B), waging war against the government of India (S. 121) and conspiracy to wage war against the government of India (S.121A). They were acquiited by the court against sec 13, sec 21 and 23 (2) and sec 40 of the UAPA.

To reach this conclusion the arguments presented by the court are as follows:

  1. That it is stated in the FIR that Seema Azad and her husband were questioned by the police at the time and from the place mentioned in the FIR and that upon their confession to the police they were arrested and the FIR prepared. Hence, though the law states that the confession before the police is not valid as evidence, the contents of the same being part of the FIR make it valid evidence. This is then used to conclude that Seema and her husband were arrested on the way to the railway station when they were leaving Allahabad for a meeting of the CPI Maoist party.
  2. Seema has categorically stated that she was returning to Allahabad and her husband was there to receive her and that the police took her into custody many hours prior to the formal arrest. Her brother has also stated before the court that he purchased her railway ticket and a copy of the same was produced. This evidence was rejected since it merely proved that Seema arrived in Allahabad in the afternoon, while the police states the time of arrest during the night. And the court held that what the police officers state before the court has to be assumed to be true. And since Seema was in the custody of the police from the afternoon, she cannot humanly provide any proof of the lies. Interestingly the phone calls details were of the 6th of February, 2012 were never presented to the court which would have proved her location.
  3. Contrary to the law of the land, the court has held that the disclosures made by Seema Azad and Vishwa Vijay to the police are valid in court. This is done through an ingenious deception. It is argued that if recoveries are made on the basis of previously recorded disclosure statements, then the statements themselves become valid evidence. Thus, since the police claims that it recovered the mobile phone and a Maoist document from her house when Seema was taken into police remand, the disclosure statement magically transforms itself into a judicial confession.
  4. Seema Azad has stated that her mobile phone was taken away from her at the time of her arrest which was never shown on the seizure list and that the Maoist document of 26 pages was planted on her during the search on her house. The desperation of the police to obtain her police remand even after the permissible 90 days in jail can be seen in the judgment itself. The District, Sessions and High court had all previously refused police remand for her. The importance of the police remand and the subsequent search of her house and recoveries becomes visible through this judgment as a ploy to convert inadmissible police confession into valid legal evidence.
  5. That the lack of any public witnesses at the time of arrest and seizure does not make the seizures at the time of arrest less believable, even though the arrest and search of belongings was done in a public place by the police itself. This is justified in the judgment by the argument that it should be assumed that the official work done by the police is done in a proper manner. That there are serious allegations by Seema regarding the time of arrest were brushed aside.
  6. The highlighted contents of the Maoist document purportedly seized from Seema’s house, then, forms the basis for an understanding the actions of the Maoists as well as the association of the accused with the CPI Maoist party and the involvement of the accused as conspirators and perpetrators of the actions referred to in the Maoist document. This inference is drawn in the Judgment without the mention of a single incident of violence in which either of the accused was either a conspirator or a participant.

This seizure it may be recalled also was done without public witnesses and that the accused refused to sign seizure list since they were only presented the last page to sign on. This apart, the judgment argues that the Supreme Court judgment that mere possession of a document does not prove complicity, is not applicable since the contents of the document are so objectionable. A perfect example of a paradoxical argument.

  1. The documents seized from Seema and her husband at the time of the arrest were sealed and kept in the store at the police station. However, the police, without any permission from the court, broke the seal ostensibly, without taking permission from the magistrate to examine the contents, and sealed it again. This blatant disrespect of procedure that should have in normal circumstances made the police subject of the wrath of the court and raised serious questions on the authenticity of the contents, was held in this judgment to be no violation of procedure at all.
  2. Finally the judgment states that a clinching piece of evidence showing connection with other members of the Maoist party is a letter written by Seema to Kanchan a.k.a. Anu who was in judicial custody at Delhi, accused with Maoist affiliation. That Anu stated that she had previously stayed at the Seema’s house is seen as a damning piece of evidence. Incidentally, Anu has been released on bail by the court at Delhi.

Conclusion

How did the reach court reach this conclusion? It can only be explained by the fact that the court refused to assume the innocence of the accused. For, if it were to do that, it is apparent that the entire evidence brought forth is wholly consistent with the inference of innocence.

What makes the judicial mind lose its way, is the labyrinthine world of UAPA, and the section of crimes against the Government which are a part of the IPC. These provisions on our statute book define crimes that are trumpeted to be the most heinous and at the same time the most ill-defined.

Since these are mainly crimes to do with intention, rather than the action, disbelieving the police story by itself is regarded as the lack of concern for the nation. And then the UAPA messes about with the established procedures in a manner that innocence and guilt become relative categories, easily capable of being turned around on the current disposition of a judge or of a government.

In sum, the Judgment pronounced by the sessions court at Allahabad in the case of Seema Azad and Vishwa Vijay is a perfect example of how a large number of half-truths, inadmissible evidence, procedural violations and an obnoxious piece of legislation can convert a free citizen into a threat to national security.

( This note has been prepared jointly by the PUCL and the PUDR)

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सितारों के बिना एक दुनिया – सीमा आजाद

याद करंे बचपन की। वे कौन सी यादे हैं जो हमंे अभी भी रोमांचित करती है-गर्मी की उमस भरी रात में छत पर लेटना और अपनी ज+मीनी दुनिया भूल कर चांद सितारों की दुनिया की सैर करना। सच ये तारों भरा आकाश हम सब को आश्चर्य से भर देता था। जब गर्मी के बाद बरसात के आगमन की पूर्व सूचना देने वाले बादल के टुकड़े इस काले काले आसमान में चक्कर लगाते हांे तो यह और भी रहस्यमय हो जाता था। इन बादलों मंे हम न जाने कितनी आकृतियां देखा करते थे। आसमान में कभी कभी इन्द्रधनुष दिख जाता था तो हमारे लिए बहुत बड़ा कौतुहल हो जाता।
पर क्या आप कल्पना कर सकते हैं कि एक ऐसी दुनिया है जहां के बच्चे रात के आसमान व चांद तारों की चमक से अनजान हैं। इन्द्रधनुष ही नहीं चांद का दर्शन भी उनके लिए एक आश्चर्यजनक घटना है। जी हां ऐसी भी एक दुनिया है। यह दुनिया है जेल की। यहां बच्चे शाम ढलते अपनी माताओं के साथ बैरक के अन्दर बन्द कर दिये जाते हैं। फिर सुबह सूरज निकलने के बाद ही इन्हें बैरक से बाहर निकाला जाता है। मेरा ध्यान इस बात की ओर तब गया जब एक दिन सुबह बैरक खुलने पर जेल में ही पैदा हुयी ढाई साल की ‘खुशी’ बहुत तेजी से दौड़ते हुए मेरे पास आयी। उसके छोटे से चेहरे की आंखें आश्चर्य से फैली हुई थी। होठ गोल हो गए थे और उसके नन्हे हाथ जिस ओर इशारा कर रहे थे वहां पश्चिम के आसमान में गोल सा चांद डूब रहा था। उसने तो न कभी सूरज देखा था न चांद। इस लिए उसके लिए ये बेहद आश्चर्यजनक चीज थी। मैंने उसे बताया कि वह चन्दामामा हैं। फिर वह हमेशा आकाश की ओर हाथ उठाकर पूछती है ‘छीमा मामा?’ सामान्य तौर पर जो बात वह रोज के अनुभव से जान सकती थी वह मेरे लिए समझाना असंभव था।
ये जेल के बच्चे हैं। इनकी माताएं किसी न किसी आरोप में जेल काट रही हैं। इनकी दुनिया इतनी सिमटी है जिसकी कल्पना बाहर की दुनिया के लोग तो नहीं ही कर सकते। जेल के अधिकारी भी नहीं करते। इसी कारण उन्हें इसका अहसास नहीं होता कि वे इन बच्चों का कितना महत्वपूर्ण समय छीन रहे हैं। थोड़ा बहुत समझने वाला कोई भी व्यक्ति यह समझ सकता है कि बच्चों को स्वस्थ तरीके से विकसित होने के लिए उसका उसके आसपस की दुनिया से सम्पर्क कितना जरूरी है। यह सम्पर्क उस बच्चे के स्कूल जाने से भी कई गुना ज्यादा जरूरी है। बाहरी दुनिया से सम्पर्क कितना जरूरी है। क्योंकि यही अनुभव संसार उससे उपजी कल्पनाएं किसी बच्चे के दिमाग के विकास के लिए बेहद जरूरी है। पर जेल में बच्चों से इस अनुभव संसार को छीन कर उनके साथ जुर्म किया जा रहा है। मैं आपको कुछ उदाहरण देती हूं जिससे आपको भी इसका अहसास होगा।
जेल में रहने वाला किशन जो 6 साल का होने पर मां के साथ जेल आया था। वह चिन्टू ( जो जन्म से ही जेल में है ) से बता रहा था कि माता पिता भगवान से बड़े होते हैंं। चिन्टू ने पूछा कि माता पिता क्या होते हैं? किशन ने बताया-‘मम्मी और पापा।’ चिन्टू ने थोड़ा शर्माते हुए पूछा-‘पापा क्या होते हैं?’ किशन ने उसे डांटते हुए कहा-‘धत् साले पापा नहीं जानते?’ चिन्टू चुप हो गया। यह सुन कर उसके बड़े भाई पिन्टू (उम्र 8 वर्ष) ने कहा ‘हमें पता है कि पापा क्या होता है। जो लोग मर्दाने में रहते हैं यानि मर्द लोग। न सीमा दीदी?’ आप कल्पना कर सकते हैं कि मुझे यह समझाने में कितनी मुश्किल आयी होगी कि पापा क्या होते हैं?
जेल में रहने के कारण ये बच्चे बिल्ली चूहा के अलावा किसी जानवर के बारे में नहीं जानते। कभी-कभी ये बच्चे अदालत जाने के लिए या मुलाकात के लिए जाने के लिए बाहर निकलते हैं तो रास्ते में दिखने वाले कुत्ता, गाय, भैंस, घोड़ा हर जानवर को आश्चर्य से देखते हैं और सबको बिल्ली ही बताते हैं।
हम बचपन से अपनी मां को खाना बनाते हुए देखते आए हैंं। उन्हें सब्जी काटते देखना बहुत सामान्य सी बात है। बल्कि जब हम थोड़ा बड़े हुए तो मां की तरह खाना बनाने का खेल भी खेला करते थे। पर महिला जेल में चूंकि खाना पुरुष बैरक से बन कर आता है इसलिए बच्चे इस स्वाभाविक घरेलू काम के बारे में कुछ भी नहीं जानते। थोड़ा बड़े बच्चे यहां गिरफ्तारी, अदालत और रिहाई का खेल खेलते हैं। जो बच्चा जज बनता है वह सभी को रिहाई दे देता है। इस खेल में सिपाही या पुलिस का चित्रण बहुत खराब होता है और कोई बच्चा सिपाही नहीं बनना चाहता।
इससे भी ज्यादा बुरा यह है कि ये बच्चे सब्जियों को नहीं पहचान सकते। जेल में सब्जी में आलू की सब्जी, मूली का साग, चैलाई और शलजम की सब्जी ही बन कर आती है। इस लिए ये बच्चे इनके अलावा किसी दूसरी सब्जी का स्वाद नहीं जानते। न ही किसी साबुत सब्जी को पहचानते हैं। इन बच्चों ने चंूकि काम के नाम पर अपनी माताओं को केवल झाड़ू लगाते ही देखा है। इस लिए ये बच्चे नीम की टहनी बटोर कर उसका झाड़ू बना कर झाड़ू लगाने का खेल खेलते हैं।
नैनी सेन्ट्रल जेल में दो तरह के बच्चे हैं। एक वे जो जन्म से ही अन्दर हैं या जब से उन्होंने होश संभाला है वे अन्दर हैं। दूसरी तरह के बच्चे वो हैं जो बाहर की दुनिया से वाकिफ हैं। इन दोनो तरह के बच्चों के बीच होने वाली बातचीत कभी कभी बहुत रोचक होती है। जैसे पिन्टू एक दिन अपने छोटे भाई को छोले भटूरे के बारे में बता रहा था। उसने उसे लखनऊ की आदर्श जेल में कभी खाया था। वास्तव में, चिन्टू-पिन्टू की मां पहले लखनऊ की आदर्श जेल में थीं। यहां बच्चों को पढ़ने के लिए बाहर स्कूल भेजा जाता था। पिन्टू भी स्कूल जाता था। इसलिए उसका अनुभव संसार थोड़ा ज्यादा बड़ा है। पिन्टू, चिन्टू को बता रहा था कि भटूरा बड़ा गोल और मुलायम होता है जो खाने में बहुत अच्छा होता है। उसने बताया कि उसने वहां पराठा भी खाया है। चिन्टू उसकी ओर ऐसे देख रहा था, जैसे उसका भाई कितनी वाली बात बता रहा हो। अभी एक महीना हुआ जब चिन्टू-पिन्टू के बाबा उन दोनो को अपने साथ लिवा ले गए। मैं कई दिन तक मानसिक रूप से उनके साथ खासतौर पर चिन्टू के साथ रही। क्योंकि जन्म के बाद सात साल को होने के बाद उसने बाहर की दुनिया में कदम रखा था। उसे तो अदालत के बहाने भी बाहर आने जाने का मौका नहीं मिलता था। मैं कल्पना करती रही कि कैसे चिन्टू पहली बार अपने बाबा की उंगली पकड़े ट्रेन में बैठा होगा। पहली बार उसने सड़क पर भागती-दौड़ती मोटरगाड़ी देखी होगी। खेत-खलिहान देखा होगा। घर पर तरह तरह के व्यंजन आश्चर्य के साथ खा रहा होगा और रात में छत पर लेट कर तारों भरा आसमान देख रहा होगा। जन्म के पूरे साऽऽत साऽऽऽल बाद।
नैनी सेंट्रªल जेल में ऐसे बच्चों की कुल संख्या 15 से 25 के बीच है। यह संख्या घटती बढ़ती रहती है। इन बच्चों से इनका बचपन, इनका अनुभव संसार छीन लिया गया है क्योंकि इनकी मां ने कोई जुर्म किया है या झूठे आरोप में फंसी है। सरकार भले ही सबको अनिवार्य शिक्षा का दावा करती हो पर इन बच्चों के लिए कोई शिक्षा व्यवस्था नहीं है। तिहाड़ जेल के बारे में मैंने पढ़ा है कि वहां बच्चों के क्रेच हैं। लखनऊ के आदर्श जेल के बारे में मैंने पिन्टू से सुना कि वहां बच्चे स्कूल जाते हैं। पर नैनी सेंट्रल जेल के बारे में ऐसी कोई व्यवस्था नहीं है। इन बच्चों की दुनिया इतनी छोटी है कि ये जिस तरफ भी देखते हैं एक ऊंची सी दीवार सामने दिखती है। ऊपर जो छोटा सा आसमान है उसे भी बड़े-बड़े पेड़ों ने ढक लिया है। ऐसा लगता है कि जैसे ये बच्चे भी हमारे साथ एक बड़े से कुंए में कैद हैं। रात में ये कुंआ और भी सकरा हो जाता है। बच्चों की कल्पना की उड़ान देने वाले उनमें रंग भरने वाले उद्दीपक इस दुनिया से नदारद हैं। फिर ये बच्चे ही हैं जो हर हाल में खेलते हैं, खिलखिलाते हैं और हमें भी हंसने के लिए मजबूर करते हैं।
सीम आज+ाद
राजनीतिक बन्दी
नैनी सेंट्रल जेल
मई 2012.

 

Posted in General.